 What is the age of taylor swift - akylabiz.ru

What is the age of taylor swift

Taylor Swift Age Only 24 - Her Unbelievable Achievements Through...

1999 - Taylor Swift Age 10. Taylor had her first performance on stage while most of us were still busy playing Barbie dolls and Nintendo.

Taylor Swift - Bio, Facts, Family - Famous Birthdays

Learn about Taylor Swift: her birthday, what she did before fame, her family life, fun trivia facts, popularity rankings, and more.

Taylor Swift - Songwriter, Singer - Biography

Born on December 13, 1989, in Reading, Pennsylvania, Taylor Swift was earning renown as a country music singer by the age of 16. Early hits like "Love Story" and "You Belong With Me" appealed to country and pop fans alike and helped fuel the multi-platinum success of her albums, including the...

Taylor Swift Wrote A Novel At The Age Of 14

Taylor Swift is a rare and mystical human who has the ability to write lyrics that millions of people around the globe can relate to so hard.

Who Are Taylor Swift's Songs About? - POPSUGAR Entertainment

In the wake of Taylor Swift 's recent release of Reputation there's no better time to make sure you have your Swift facts straight. Most importantly, she writes from the heart, and a lot of her songs are about certain people.

Taylor Swift Rankings & Opinions

A Timeline Of Taylor Swift's Age-Inappropriate Romances

Taylor Swift Wiki, Height, Age, Net Worth, Family 2018

54 kg / 119 lbs. When was Taylor Swift born? 13 December 1989. How old is Taylor Swift in 2018? 28 years. Where was Taylor Swift born?

Why 'Reputation' Is a Make Or Break Album For Taylor Swift -- And...

A post shared by Taylor Swift (@taylorswift) on Nov 1, 2017 at 8:04am PDT. Also, say what you will, but Swift is an honest-to-god songwriter -- full stop.

How old is Taylor Swift?

Learn the birthday of Taylor Swift and the exact age in years, months and days, with additional information of the singer.

Taylor Swift - Bio, Age, Height, Weight, Body... - IdolWiki.com

Taylor Swift Biography, Album, Songs, Age, Boyfriends and Net Worth

Who is Taylor Swift, how old is she, when is her birthday, how tall is she and what is her background? Taylor Swift is an American singer/songwriter who was born in Reading, Pennsylvania, on December 13, 1989. At the age of 14 she moved to Nashville, Tennessee...

Taylor Swift Biography - Affair, In Relation, Ethnicity, Nationality...

Relationship Statistics of Taylor Swift. What is Taylor Swift marital status ? (single, married, in relation or divorce)

Taylor Swift Updates on Twitter: "Taylor at the age of 18 taking about...

Well looks like you met your 10 yr goal Taylor . Happy Birthday Filled with Happiness and @taylorswift13 @taylornation13 @.

Artistfacts for Taylor Swift - facts, trivia, and bio information.

45 Things You Didn't Know About Taylor Swift Songs - E! News

RELATED: 16 times Taylor Swift's "Blank Space" video proved she's gone full crazy on us. 11. She was only 12 years old when she wrote "The Outside" about her feeling like an outsider among her friends because of her love of country music.

50 Facts About Taylor Swift - The Fact Site

At the age of 14, Taylor, along with her family moved to Nashville. Taylor Swift started using Myspace to develop her fan-base, which, at the time was a rather unique in country music.

50 Interesting Facts About Taylor Swift : People : BOOMSbeat

Source: Tumblr. Taylor Swift was the first 'Saturday Night Live' host to ever write their own monologue.

Taylor Swift Lyrics, Songs, and Albums - Genius

How big of a Taylor Swift fan are you?

Age 14; Big Machine Records. Im not obsessed!! Age 18; All Saints Records. Am I done yet?? What is Taylor Swift's lucky number?

15 Things You Didn't Know About Taylor Swift - TheTalko

So the four instruments that Taylor Swift happens to know how to play are the guitar, banjo, ukulele, and piano. A computer repairman showed Taylor at the age of 10, how to play three chords on the guitar and from then on Taylor could not stop playing.

A Timeline Of Taylor Swift's Age-Inappropriate... - Business Insider

Today, Taylor Swift turns 23, but you would never know how old the singer actually is based on her love life.From 18-year-old Conor Kennedy to

Taylor Swift House: Photos of All of Her Current Homes

Where Does Taylor Swift Live? Taylor Swift lives in Nashville, TN. She considers it her hometown, having lived there since age 10. Her home in Nashville is a 2-story penthouse which she bought in 2009 for $2 million.

Taylor Swift - Biography, Songs, & Facts - Britannica.com

Taylor Swift: Taylor Swift, American pop and country music singer-songwriter whose tales of young heartache achieved widespread success in the early 21st century.

Taylor Swift Is The Youngest Of America's Richest Self-Made Women

At age 26, Taylor Swift has already won plenty of accolades: 10 Grammys, five Guinness World records and even an Emmy.

Taylor Swift - Lyrics On Demand - Born: December 13, 1989 ( age

Reasons Why Taylor Swift Is Overrated - Top Ten List - TheTopTens

BlueDiamondFromNowhere I don't really like Taylor Swift. Her music is fine, but I think she gets too much credit for what she really is and what she really does.

Is Taylor Swift a good role model? - Debate.org

First of Taylor swift is very popular she helps people she sings for children she sang for me because I am a kid with cancer and I got to eat dinner with her one time she is.

How Taylor Swift uses Tumblr to communicate with her fans - INSIDER

This is the new age of Taylor. Big Machine Label Group. After the song dropped, it still wasn't clear what Swift was driven to do.

Imogen Heap Shares 'Magical' Story Of Writing 'Clean' With Taylor Swift

"I got a phone call saying Taylor Swift was in London, she'd love to work with me and the only day she could do (between 4 sold out 02 arenas!) was the

What is Taylor Swift's net worth, who is her boyfriend Joe Alwyn and...

American singer-songwriter Taylor Swift, 28, was born in Pennsylvania on December 13, 1989. She moved to Nashville, Tennessee with her family when she was 14 to pursue a country music career. Her first album, Taylor Swift, was released in 2006.

Diet Coke Signs Taylor Swift As Brand Ambassador - News - Ad Age

Pop Country Songstress Taylor Swift. Superstar Partners with Diet Coke -- Her Fave Soda -- on Coming Branding Initiatives.

How Taylor Swift's Squad Divided Our Conversation About... - MTV

This year, the age-old of practice of friendship made headlines, dividing us all. Why? Because Taylor Swift was involved. The singer strutted onto the 2015 MTV VMA red carpet in August with nine female dates, parading her girl power and showing women that, yes...

Taylor Swift's 'Speak Now': Why It's Her Best Album - Billboard

Taylor Swift's third album Speak Now opens with one of her best songs. "Mine" is pure, Platinum pop-country perfection, as well as an amalgam of what had already made Swift a record-breaking superstar at the age of 20: open-hearted romanticism, a careful balance of pop hooks and gentle twang, and...

Taylor Swift - Latest News, New Songs, Photos & Videos - Capital

Real Name: Taylor Alison Swift Born: 13 December 1989 Height: 5' 8" / 1.78 m Star Sign: Sagittarius Birthplace: Reading, Pennsylvania, USA. Career History At the age of 14, Taylor moved to Nashville to pursue a career in music.

A Complete History of Taylor Swift's Style - Fashionista

This is a timeline of my favorite singer Taylor Swift

Taylor Swift Had just got a New baby brother, Austin Swift, at the age of 2. Taylor Swifts father was born.

Who Writes Taylor Swift's Songs?

Though Taylor Swift was known for writing breakup songs when she came into the limelight as a young country music artist 10 years ago (the 26-year-old wrote her first song at age 12), it's natural to assume she started hiring people to write her music somewhere along the way to becoming one of the world's...

A Theology of Taylor Swift - America Magazine

Alice Costar, now a razor-sharp theology postgraduate at the University of Bonn, commented on how, being similar ages...

Top 8 Worst Taylor Swift Songs of All Time - Spinditty

Taylor Swift's career has lasted over a decade with a variety of hits and a lot of misses, but how bad were those flops?

21 Crazy and Unusual Facts About Taylor Swift - Inc.com

Taylor Swift is only 25 years old, but that hasn't stopped her from kicking butt and taking names across the music industry.

Taylor Swift - Biography - IMDb

Taylor Swift - Official Site

Style Written by Taylor Swift, Max Martin, Shellback & Ali Payami. LYRICS Midnight You come and pick me up No headlights A long drive Could end in

The complicated reality of hating Taylor Swift - Al Arabiya English

But what is our role in this scandal and how can we use this moment as a cultural touchstone to re-examine our reactions to gender and to race?

Music - Rare Taylor Swift

...with someone and afterwards writing an I heart ? on the back of your hand although she was only 14 when she wrote it (there are actually pictures of her at that age with that written on her hand

Taylor Swift Edit

Taylor Alison Swift (born December 13, 1989) is an American singer-songwriter. Raised in Wyomissing, Pennsylvania, she moved to Nashville, Tennessee, at the age of 14 to pursue a career in country music. Taylor Swift is a ten-time GRAMMY winner.

Taylor Swift attends the Manus x Machina: Fashion In an Age of...

How Much do You Know Taylor Swift? - Playbuzz

Taylor wrote the song BEFORE she even went out with Harry. Swift stated that this song was written about the same guy most of the album was about.

'Anything That Connects': A Conversation With Taylor Swift : NPR

Taylor Swift - Biography, News, Photos and Videos - Contactmusic.com

Childhood: Taylor Swift was born in Wyomissing, Pennsylvania to Andrea and Scott Kingsley Swift. Swift began writing her own music at around the age of ten.

Astrology and natal chart of Taylor Swift, born on 1989/12/13

Taylor Swift-Red-Figurative Language by Natalia Taylor on Prezi

Report abuse. Transcript of Taylor Swift-Red-Figurative Language. Taylor Swift- Red Figurative language in the lyrics. Lets take a closer look, shall we? Similes: A comparison using like or as. In the song Red , there are many similes.


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Fossil fuels are non-renewable resources that are limited in their supply and the burning of fossil fuels on a global scale can produce air pollution, such as nitrogen oxides (NOx), release significant amounts of greenhouse gases, such as carbon dioxide (CO2), and contribute to global warming (Evans, 2007; Shahid & Jamal, 2008; Hill, et al., 2006; SEP, 2009).

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Journal Article

Energetic constraints to chemo-photometric evolution of spiral galaxies

Alberto Buzzoni

in Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society

Published on behalf of The Royal Astronomical Society

Volume 415, issue 2, pages 1155-1178
Published in print August 2011 | ISSN: 0035-8711
Energetic constraints to chemo-photometric evolution of spiral galaxies

Show Summary Details

The problem of chemo-photometric evolution of late-type galaxies is dealt with relying on prime physical arguments of energetic self-consistency between chemical enhancement of galaxy mass, through nuclear processing inside stars, and luminosity evolution of the system. Our analysis makes use of the Buzzoni template galaxy models along the Hubble morphological sequence. The contribution of Type II and Ia SNe is also accounted for in our scenario. Chemical enhancement is assessed in terms of the so-called ‘yield metallicity’ (), that is the metal abundance of processed mass inside stars, as constrained by the galaxy photometric history. For a Salpeter initial mass function (IMF), being nearly insensitive to the galaxy star formation history. The interstellar medium (ISM) metallicity can be set in terms of , and just modulated by the gas fraction and the net fraction of returned stellar mass (f). For the latter, a safe upper limit can be placed, such as f≲ 0.3 at any age.

The comparison with the observed age–metallicity relation allows us to set a firm upper limit to the Galaxy birthrate, such as b≲ 0.5, and to the chemical enrichment ratio ΔYZ≲ 5. About four out of five stars in the solar vicinity are found to match the expected figure within a factor of 2, a feature that leads us to conclude that star formation in the Galaxy must have proceeded, all the time, in a highly contaminated environment where returned stellar mass is in fact the prevailing component to gas density.

The possible implication of the Milky Way scenario for the more general picture of late-type galaxy evolution is discussed moving from three relevant relationships, as suggested by the observations. Namely (i) the down-sizing mechanism appears to govern star formation in the local Universe; (ii) the ‘delayed’ star formation among low-mass galaxies, as implied by the inverse bMgal dependence, naturally leads to a more copious gas fraction when moving from giant to dwarf galaxies; (iii) although lower-mass galaxies tend more likely to take the look of later-type spirals, it is mass, not morphology, that drives galaxy chemical properties. Facing the relatively flat trend of versus galaxy type, the increasingly poorer gas metallicity, as traced by the [O/H] abundance of H ii regions along the Sa → Im Hubble sequence, seems to be mainly the result of the softening process, that dilute enriched stellar mass within a larger fraction of residual gas.

The problem of the residual lifetime for spiral galaxies as active star-forming systems has been investigated. If returned mass is left as the main (or unique) gas supplier to the ISM, as implied by the Roberts time-scale, then star formation might continue only at a maximum birthrate bmaxf/(1 −f) ≲ 0.45, for a Salpeter IMF. As a result, only massive (Mgal≳ 1011 M) Sa/Sb spirals may have some chance to survive ∼30 per cent or more beyond a Hubble time. Things may be worse, on the contrary, for dwarf systems, that seem currently on the verge of ceasing their star formation activity unless to drastically reduce their apparent birthrate below the bmax threshold.

Keywords: Galaxy: disc; Galaxy: evolution; galaxies: abundances; galaxies: ISM; galaxies: spiral

Journal Article.  19147 words.  Illustrated.

Subjects: Astronomy and Astrophysics

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We successfully completed the AI Expo 2018

5 July 2018 / security

The ADANI team took part in the international exhibition AI Expo 2018. At the exhibition, we talked about the technologies for implementing AI algorithms in the processing of X-ray images, computer vision, deep machine learning, convolutional neural networks training, semantic segmentation, diagnostics of digital X-ray images and other technologies used in our equipment.

If you still have questions, you may ask them by clicking on the link

ADANI AI Expo 2018

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A preliminary investigation of student collaboration to create resources that motivate the relevance of mathematics to first year engineers A preliminary investigation of student collaboration to create resources that motivate the relevance of mathematics to first year engineers HOT

Many engineering students don’t see the relevance in their mathematical studies in the first year of their degree. This lack of understanding of the importance of mathematics often leads to a loss of interest and disengagement with mathematical studies early on. It may also result in the need to re-teach first year mathematical concepts in later engineering subjects as the students did not acquire the skills from their mathematics subjects.

In this paper, we report on a summer semester project that gave final year engineering and multi-media students the task to “make mathematics relevant” to first year students. The collaboration that ensued across disciplines resulted in two high quality animated videos, one on the use of mathematics in building construction and the other on improving the aerodynamical properties of a vehicle. In this paper, we provide an initial investigation into the interdisciplinary collaboration between the final year students who produced the resources, from the point of view of the engineering students. We want to closely follow student views to understand better what contribution students can make to the production of resources for first years.

In particular, we answer the two research questions

  1. How did the engineering students approach their brief and how did they collaborate?
  2. How did their thoughts evolve following interaction with the multi-media students and how did they collaborate with the multi-media students?

In this case study we use an ethnographic design approach to understand the students’ experiences. This qualitative research study includes the evaluation of an interview with the two engineering students held while the students were working on the project, complemented by researcher observations.

We show how final year engineering students have collaborated with each other, and with multi-media students, to produce quality video resources for their peers. In fact, we argue that it is the interdisciplinary nature of the collaboration that resulted from the addition of the multi-media students to the team that has resulted in high quality resources.

This study is a first step to research student contribution to demonstrating the relevance of mathematics. We provide a preliminary evaluation on Stage 1, the first iteration resulting in two resources produced, with more analysis (also including the multi-media students’ perspective) to be communicated elsewhere once all data is analysed. Stage 2 of our project has just commenced, with the next cohort of engineering and multi-media students collaborating on resources to explain the relevance of first year mathematics in robotics and biomedical engineering. Following our very positive experiences, we call for more research in this area!

mathematics relevance, first year, student contribution, multi-media, animation

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Match 64
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Too-early predictions for 2022: France will struggle

World Cup

World Cup best and worst: Five weeks in Russia

FIFA World Cup

Argentina want Gareca to replace Sampaoli

FIFA World Cup

Ukraine FA offers job to Croatian coach sacked after win over Russia

Stewart Robson doesn't think Croatia's midfield will overpower England and feels an advantage in set pieces makes an English win inevitable.
Shaka Hislop breaks down the keys for Croatia and England in their World Cup semifinal and explains the impact Raheem Sterling could have.
Shaka Hislop examines the traits of Jordan Pickford and Danijel Subasic to determine whether England or Croatia has the goalkeeping edge.

The Football Federation of Ukraine (FFU) has offered a job to the member of Croatia's coaching staff sacked for dedicating his country's World Cup victory over Russia to the people of Ukraine.

Ognjen Vukojevic, a coaching assistant and former Croatia international, posted a video on social media in which he and defender Domagoj Vida dedicated the win to Ukraine.

Ukraine has a long-running political conflict with Russia, which centres on the disputed territory of Crimea, and Vukojevic said on the video: "This victory is for Dynamo [Kiev, his former club] and Ukraine."

The FFU has offered Vukojevic employment and said it was willing to pay the fines imposed on him and Vida by FIFA for the video.

"We hold a clearly expressed position of supporting our friends," FFU president Andrei Paveloko told reporters. "We have offered both legal and financial support for Ognjen and Vida.

"I personally, as well as the FFU management, have made a decision to pay off Ognjen's pending fine and offer him a job with the FFU."

Vida, also a former Dynamo Kiev player, said in a statement following the posting of the video: "It was definitely no political message, but a simple thank you for all the support from Ukraine, where Vukojevic and I spent a number of years."


Families Of Consciousness

Transmitted Thought

There are no duplicates. Yet, we may say, are not some thoughts duplicates?  The variations may indeed be slight, but variations are always present. A thought transmitted knowingly or unknowingly by A. is not precisely the same thought when it reaches receiver B.

The thought originally held by A. is still retained by A., yet a seemingly identical thought reaches B. A. has lost nothing. That is, in trying to send the thought, in trying to duplicate the thought, A. still retains it. So what is passed on to receiver B.? This is rather important, since an explanation will do much to account for the frequent difference that occurs in telepathic communications.

Whether or not- A. the sender, knowingly transmits this apparent duplicate, at the point of its transmission, the sender forms an electrical impulse pattern that is supposed to duplicate the original thought. But no such identical duplication is possible, as far as I know, within reality of any kind.

A side note: identical twins are hardly identical, for example.

As soon as the attempt is made to duplicate the thought, we find the attempt itself strains and pulls; the impulse changes minutely, or to a greater degree. The point I want to make is that any attempt at duplication actually forces the thought it is already a new thought, bearing great resemblance to the original. But it is not the original thought.

Prime identities cannot be duplicated. Exact duplication is always an effect of insufficient knowledge. In some cases two thoughts may appear identical, but whether or not examination can show it, such exact duplication is impossible. Now when receiver B. receives a transmitted thought, he may react and interpret that part of the thought that is similar to the original.

He may , on the other hand, react to and interpret that portion of the thought that is not similar. He may react to and interpret the similarity of the difference. His reactions depend upon several circumstances, including the intensity of the electrical pulsations that compose the thought, and his own inner facility in reaching to particular ranges of intensities.

Habitually, individuals establish overall frequencies that they are able to handle, for various reasons. An individual will therefore feel more at home operating within certain frequencies. The original thought is used as a pattern for the creation of a new electrical reality which may or may not be directed at any given receiver. It is obvious that the attempt to duplicate is present: were it not for this attempt to duplicate, then there would be little similarity between any separate identities.

The nature of the thought that is received by B. is determined by many factors. We shall consider but a few of these. These include the original intensity of the thought as A. ; the familiarity or unfamiliarity of the range of frequencies that compose the thought to any intended receiver.

The receiver will understand and interpret in general the intensity range he is in the habit of using himself. Some, or a portion of the transmitted thought, may fall within his range and some may not. He or she may pick up the portions of the thought which are similar to the original thought which are similar to the original thought, in which case some scientific proof of sorts can be achieved. It can happen, however, that the dissimilarity is what falls within his or her particular accustomed range, in which case proof will be inadequate.

Emotions also possess an electrical reality. Thoughts formed and sent out within the impulse range of emotion often succeed because of the peculiar nature of the emotional electrical impulses themselves. They have a particularly strong electrical mass. They also usually fall within powerful intensities, for reasons. Thoughts formed under a strong emotional impetus will carry greater vividness, have a greater tendency toward duplication, and are apt to be interpreted with some success.

Also, all individuals have had familiarity with emotions as they exist within electrical intensities, and are accustomed to reacting to them. The whole process in instantaneous. However, the thought which is now an approximation of the original thought is changed once more by the receiver himself or herself. He or she does not actually interpret the thought itself. He or she interpret the thought itself. He or she interprets its meaning and forms a new thought identity.

Action, the very action of transmission, alters the nature and electrical reality of the thought itself.

Our imaginary sender A. does not transmit a given thought. He or she does not even send an exact duplicate. Nor does the receiver receive the thought in the same condition. The original thought is retained by A. A. forms a thought as nearly identical as possibilities allow it to be. This he or she transmits to B. But B. can’t receive the thought in its present condition, for the action of receiving a thought also changes it. He or she forms a thought as nearly identical as possible for him and interprets it.

Action can never be considered apart from that which is seemingly acted upon, for action becomes part of structure. Action begins from within and is a result of inner vitality inherent in all realities. Action is not alone. It is not an identity. ACTION IS A DIMENSION OF EXISTENCE.

Those wars still to be fought are but dim memories, once vital but lost as nightmares in greater awakenings.

A nostalgic memory for lives come and gone, as we might for fond dreams barely recalled. They represent a present unique beyond telling, alive  in each consciousness, more important than we recognize. There are no real rules to be followed that will bring us into such an encounter with the present moment of reality–only a trust in the nature of our being. And that trust is within us whether or not we recognize it, for it gives us our present experience; and no matter how our mind questions, it rides securely in the great creativity of the soul.

This species gave itself no “preordained” taboos.

Humans Are Not The Master Of Creation

He or she is simply their creator, and he or her creates because he or she does not attempt to control.

When we try to control power or people, we always copy. To some extent the world copies itself, in that there are patterns. Those patterns are always changed to one extent or another, so that no object is ever a copy of another–though it may appear to be the same.

In our terms, the world is intensely different from one moment to another, with each smallest portion of consciousness choosing its reality from a field of infinite probabilities. Immense calculations, far beyond our conscious decisions as we think of them, are probable only because of the unutterable freedom that resides within minute worlds inside our skull– patterns of interrelationships, counterparts so cunningly woven that each is unique, freewheeling, and involved in an infinite cooperative venture so powerful that the atoms stay in certain forms, and the same stars shine in the sky.

The familiar and strange are intimately connected in our most obvious, our simplest utterance. We are surrounded by miracles. Why, then, does the world so often seem dour and cruel? Why do our fellow beings, sometimes seem like unfeeling monsters–Frankenstein not of body but of mind, spiritual idiots, ignorant of any heritage of love or truth or even graceful beast-hood? Why does it seem to many of us that the race, the species, is doomed? Why do some of us feel, in our quiet moments, such a sentence just?

We make our own reality.

The Properties Of the Soul and Body

We do not understand the of properties the soul or body, yet the body was given to us so that we could learn from it. The properties of the physical and  the earth are meant to lead us into the nature of the soul. We create physical reality, yet without knowing how we do , so that the wondrous structure of the earth itself is meant to lead us to question our own source. Nature as we understand it is meant to be our teacher. We are not its master.

Contents Of Consciousness

To some extent we realize that the world has physical contents, existing at one time yet varying in their characteristics. In those terms, the world is composed of its physical ingredients. That “package” is the only part of the picture that we see, however.

Psychically, our world is composed of the contents of its consciousness. We have maps or continents and oceans, and in the entire view each portion is like a piece of a jigsaw puzzle, all fitting together perfectly, smoothly flowing into the natural structure of the world. So at any given time there is a world consciousness, a perfect jigsaw of awareness in which each identity, however large or small, has its part.

If we could orbit our planet in a different kind of craft, we could view the psychic content of the world, seeing the world consciousness shining far more brilliantly than any lighted city. We could spot the point of intense activity, see the birth of new myths and the death of old ones as certainly as we might be able to see a mountain slide or a tidal wave. The physical portions of the earth are all related. So does consciousness form its own kind of inner structures from which, the physical ones emerge. We are indeed counterparts, then, each of the other. Yet as there is great variety to physical form, so counterparts follow a still more expansive inner freedom that finds an even greater diversity of characteristics.

A Group Selves Form The Soul

I am not telling you that each if us do not have a soul to call our own. We are a part of our soul. It belongs to you, and you to it.

Memories exist as patterns. In this life, each of us come together and part, come together and part again, forming a counterpart relationship when it suits our purposes, as streams of consciousness mix and merge, and then separate.

These counterparts are psychic, relationships, formations that in the deepest terms flow into historic time and out of it. Some, in our terms, last a lifetime. Others represent psychic encounters that happens between two individuals at several points, say, but are not continuous. They may be no less intense, however.

The Species Of Consciousness


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UK Public Library Members Quiz

The theme for the June-July Public Library Members Quiz is the Solar System.

Use Oxford’s online resources to find the answers to the questions below, for a chance to win £50 worth of Oxford University Press books.

The winner will be chosen from the correct entries after the closing date of 31st July 2018.

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1. Who was the first person to demonstrate that the moon moved around the earth in an elliptical orbit?

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2. How many bodies in the solar system are presently considered to be dwarf planets?

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3. Which word came first: shooting star, meteor, asteroid, or comet?

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4. Who wrote Planetomachia, a 1585 work of pseudo-science that described the influence of the planets?

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Skill minimizing eyebrow product 공모전이 마감되었습니다.

Invent a breakthrough new skill minimizing eyebrow product to achieve natural looking eyebrows

2017년 10월 15일 (일)에 공모전 마감
일러스트레이션 - 창의적인 글쓰기

Applying eyebrow makeup (drawing eyebrow shapes and filling in the gaps as needed) to achieve a natural eyebrow shape requires skill and time. Eyebrow makeup also smudges over time during the day and becomes messy. Generally, Chinese women tend to have thinner eyebrows and require eyebrow makeup daily to be able to draw a natural looking shape. How can you minimize the skills required to draw natural eyebrow shapes and make the experience easier for Chinese women through a new eyebrow product, while keeping it smudge-free throughout the day?

Invent a revolutionary new eyebrow makeup product for Chinese women which will help MINIMIZE THE SKILLS required to draw natural looking eyebrows

Format: Visuals and text based on template provided – Maximum 3 pages per entry.


Thursday, October 14, 2010

The Definitive Article Fails to Exempt Insurance Company from Duty

Northern Security Insurance, Inc. v. Stanhope, 2010 VT 92

The Court affirmed the Washington Superior Court’s decision finding that Northern Security Insurance Company owes a duty of coverage to the insureds.

This dispute is the result of events that occurred at Rose Perron’s day care business in the early 1990s. During the time that Rose Perron had homeowner’s insurance through Northern, her son Kyle, age 8 to 11, repeatedly sexually abused two children who attended the day care. After initial lawsuits were filed, two additional claims were made by other families who also claimed Kyle sexually abused their children. Northern refused to provide coverage for the Perron family, alleging that Rose falsely stated on the policy application that she was not conducting business on the premises, and the injuries were intended and/or expected. The Washington Superior Court disagreed.

The first issue of contention was whether or not Rose Perron’s misrepresentation voided the coverage for the rest of the insured. The lower court found that the policy was void as to Rose, but there was no evidence that that Kyle or Rose’s husband Steven had any knowledge of the misrepresentation. As a result, the “innocent co-insured” doctrine provided that Kyle and Steven were owed coverage by Northern. Northern disputed this finding, suggesting that the language in their policy differed from precedent because the word “the” was used instead of “an.” The Court spent little time wrapping its brain around that one, as Northern forgot to raise this issue at the trial court, and as such, did not preserve it for review.

Northern also disputed that they had the burden to prove the injuries caused by Kyle were intended or expected, and that this should be reviewed by a subjective rather than an objective standard. The Court agreed with the lower court, citing precedent which stated that once the insured has made out a “prima facie case for coverage by producing evidence of the harm,” the insurer then has the burden to prove that the harm was “intended or expected.”

Northern also lost on its argument that the jury instructions should have incorporated an objective rather than a subject standard, i.e., that Kyle knew or had a reason to know that his actions would cause harm. The Court had plenty of precedent, both in-state and from other jurisdictions, to shoot this argument down. At the heart of the cited precedent is the reasoning that a subjective standard would “deny coverage for injuries negligently or foreseeably caused, rather than intended, and thereby defeat the very risk for which the insured contracted.” As such, it was up to the jury to decide, based on circumstantial evidence, whether Kyle knew that his actions would cause harm. However, had Kyle been an adult during these incidents, intent would be inferred.

Finally, Northern disputed the lower court’s ruling to sustain the defense counsel’s objections to a statement by Northern’s attorney during rebuttal argument. The objectionable mini-tirade included statements such as, “[t]his is an eleven year old boy who is sexually mature, who’s got sexual experience. He knows what he’s doing,” and “let’s talk about common sense if an eleven year old boy is vaginally penetrating a four year girl. Are we saying that’s not harmful? That’s not injurious?” Northern argued that this ruling prevented them from arguing that harm could be inferred from the circumstantial evidence, but the Court found that Northern made this argument repeatedly during trial and provided ample evidence on this front. As the Court stated, “if the jury was ultimately unpersuaded by the argument, it was not the result of trial court error.”

—Christine Mathias

  1. Maybe this will help. A map key to the Perrons:
    Rose = Mother (day care provider)
    Kyle = Son (alleged molester who was 8 to 11 years old during the incidents)
    Steven = Husband

    Northern Security tried to argue that the use of "the" in the phrase "the insured" meant that the policy only covered Rose as opposed to if they had used "an" as in "an insured." In the words of Louis Jordan, the Court did not pick up what Northern Security was putting down.


Edgar Allan Poe Takes a Job as Editor of the Southern Literary Messenger

December 1835 Southern Literary Messenger Poe takes a job as editor of the Southern Literary Messenger magazine. He publishes critical reviews of other writers' work as well as his own stories and poems.

The Southern Literary Messenger was a periodical published in Richmond, Virginia, from 1834 until June 1864. Each issue carried a subtitle of "Devoted to Every Department of Literature and the Fine Arts" or some variation and included poetry, fiction, non-fiction, reviews, and historical notes. It was founded by Thomas Willis White who served as publisher and occasional editor until his death in 1843. White hired Edgar Allan Poe in 1835 as a staff writer and critic. Others involved with the periodical included Matthew Fontaine Maury and Maury's kinsman Benjamin Blake Minor. It ended in June 1864 in part due to Richmond's involvement in the American Civil War.

Poe was proud of his accomplishments with the journal and may have aided in a large jump in subscribers. In a letter years later in 1844, Poe wrote that he began working when the Messenger had about 700 subscribers, and left when it had 5,500 paying subscribers.
Besides criticism, Poe published many first printings of his now famous works in the Messenger, including the controversial Berenice, Morella, and - in installments - parts of his only novel Arthur Gordon Pym. Poe left the magazine with the January 1837 issue but still contributed works even after White's death.


Distance from to

Distance from Wallis and Futuna to South Africa

Distance from Wallis and Futuna to South Africa is 14,558 kilometers. This air travel distance is equal to 9,046 miles.

The air travel (bird fly) shortest distance between Wallis and Futuna and South Africa is 14,558 km= 9,046 miles.

If you travel with an airplane (which has average speed of 560 miles) from Wallis and Futuna to South Africa, It takes 16.15 hours to arrive.

Wallis and Futuna

178° 6´ 59.4000'' W
Altitude313 m
CountryWallis and Futuna

Wallis and Futuna Distances to Countries

Wallis and FutunaDistance
Distance from Slovenia to Wallis and Futuna16,267 km
Distance from Sri Lanka to Wallis and Futuna11,413 km
Distance from Cuba to Wallis and Futuna11,633 km

South Africa

GPS Coordinates30° 33´ 34.1280'' S
22° 56´ 15.0360'' E
Altitude1110 m
CountrySouth Africa

South Africa Distances to Countries

South AfricaDistance
Distance from Greece to South Africa7,744 km
Distance from Ukraine to South Africa8,816 km
Distance from Peru to South Africa10,240 km


InStr Function

Could you help using these two functions in .net way?

InStr Function
InStrRev Function
Who is Participating?
I wear a lot of hats...

Praveen KumarArchitectCommented:
use IndexOf and LastIndexOf functions for string objects.

Dim s As String = "Wel Come"
Dim i As Integer

i=s.IndexOf("e") 'stores 1 into i
i=s.IndexOf("C") 'stored 4 into i
i=s.IndexOf("xx") 'stored -1 into i, because xx is not found

LastIndexOf function will return the index position, but it will search from end.

Mike TomlinsonMiddle School Assistant TeacherCommented:
If you are converting legacy code, don't forget that most VB6 functions are "one based" while .Net functions are "zero based".
Mamtha1982 is right, and all credit to him, the Instr and InStrRev functions are still supported in .NET, but they are not the official way to handle strings.  If it's ok, I would just like to elaborate a little for your better understanding.

The IndexOf and LastIndexOf functions are available for every string in .NET.  So, for example:
Dim i as Integer

'Use the "IndexOf" method with a regular string.
i = "My String".IndexOf("String")

'Use the "IndexOf" method with a string variable.
Dim str as String = "This is another string"
i = str.IndexOf("string")

'Use the "IndexOf" method with a TextBox, because the "Text" property is a String.
Dim tb As New TextBox
tb.Text = "my string"
i = tb.Text.IndexOf("string")

'Here is a LastIndexOf example for you:
Dim strFilePath As String = "C:\Temp\MyFile.txt"
Dim i As Integer
i = strFilePath.LastIndexOf("\")
     ' i now equals the integer 7:  the exact position of the last "\" (see notes below).

** Only 2 points to be aware of as you start using IndexOf and LastIndexOf:
1.  If no match is found, then a -1 is returned, not a 0 as with the Instr and InstrRev functions.
          'Here, a -1 will be returned, because the question mark is not found.
          i = "My String".IndexOf("?")

2.  Strings are zero (0) based in .NET.
          'So for example, the integer "3" will be returned,
          '      because the first character in the string "M" is position 0.

One final note:
'If you want to search for an exact match, then use the default,

'However, if you want to search for a string, but you want to ignore the case
'such as UPPER CASE, Mixed Case, and lower case, then make sure you use the following:
i = "My String".IndexOf("string", StringComparison.CurrentCultureIgnoreCase)

So, in summary:
-  If you used the Instr method in VB6, use the IndexOf method in .NET.
-  If you used the InstrRev method in VB6, use the LastIndexOf method in .NET.

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Jeff CertainCommented:
To elaborate on what VBRocks said, there is an entire library for VB6 compatibility. You just need to import Microsoft.VisualBasic to get Left, Right, Mid, and the rest of the string functions.

However, this namespace does not include DAO, ADO or RDO (the old VB6 data approaches). You'll either need to bring those in as their own libraries, or move to ADO .NET. Neither of these options is painless.
Visual Basic.NET

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Q. Who should use SecurityGauge®Reports?

A. Local crime rates can impact your company’s exposure to risk, real estate values, insurance rates for your facilities, the cost of security staffing and more. If your decisions regarding risk underwriting, risk management, security staffing, fraud detection, site selection, or investment strategies are impacted by crime hazards, SecurityGauge will help you make informed business decisions with instant, objective data.

Q. From where do you source your data?

A. Much of our data is exclusive or proprietary to SecurityGauge®. We start by collecting raw data from all local law enforcement agencies that have law enforcement responsibility for all (or any part) of a municipality or location (18,000 plus law enforcement agencies).

Once the data is collected in-house, our scientists begin building the address-level crime statistics using advanced predictive modeling based on relationships between hyper-local characteristics and crime incidents for nearly a quarter of a million neighborhoods nationwide. These data are then input to our spatial modeling to produce 10 meter resolution crime risk data for every address in America.

Since we know the numbers of reported crimes that actually occur in each community because of our exclusive approach, we are uniquely able to validate our models against the only comprehensive location-centric crime database with complete national coverage in the U.S.

Q. Can’t I get this data from the FBI’s website?

A. By going to the FBI's website, you can see crime data by individual agency, but not by locality. And you cannot get address-specific data from the FBI at all.

FBI shows agency data, not location data. Remember, there are many local law enforcement agencies that have law enforcement responsibility in any location.

For example, Boston has the Boston Police Dept., the MBTA (transit) police, and sizable police departments at some of the major universities, such as Northeastern University, Boston University, and so forth. In a recent year, the MBTA (transit) police logged some 288 violent crimes within Suffolk County (Suffolk County is almost entirely in Boston), including a murder and 197 armed robberies. The MBTA also logged 266 property crimes including 10 motor vehicle thefts. Boston University police logged 16 violent crimes including 3 forcible rapes, as well as 455 property crimes. UMass Boston logged 146 crimes. Emerson College police logged 45 crimes; and Northeastern University logged an additional 489 crimes.

This is only one city, and only an example of some of the agencies with enforcement responsibility within its borders. But multiple agencies are common for many cities, large and small, all around the nation. When you rely on data sourced only from a municipality’s police department, you’re missing hundreds – even thousands – of crime counts, skewing your analyses and presenting a false picture of true risk that hampers predicting crime risk by address.

So, you can go to the FBI to get reported crimes for individual law enforcement agencies, but not by locality.

As importantly, the crime counts from the FBI are not specific to any address, including not specific to your address. Since crime risk often varies more within cities than between cities, don’t jeopardize your business, customers, or clients on general city-wide, Zip Code, or census tract data that tell you little about the crime risks at your location.

Q. How current is the data in your SecurityGauge®Reports?

A. The crime data featured in SecurityGauge Reports are updated every year, using the most recent final (non-preliminary) raw data. Then we begin the process of analyzing these data and building our proprietary data using our exclusive methodology.

All data featured in the Reports are always the most recent data available. Always.

Q. What does my overall crime risk rating signify?

A. The SecurityGauge®Crime Risk Rating for your site is on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 being the lowest risk and 5 being the highest risk.

Your overall crime risk rating combines into a single score the 8 major types of crimes tracked by SecurityGauge as they relate to risk at your address: vandalism, burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, armed robbery, aggravated assault, homicide, and rape.

Here is what each number signifies:

1 Low: less than half the national average
2 Moderate: half the national average to slightly above the national average
3 Elevated: slightly above national average to twice the national average
4 High: twice the national average to three times the national average
5 Severe: more than 3 times the national average
Q. What does my Crime Risk Summary reveal?

A. Your Crime Risk Summary reveals the crime hazard risks at your site for each of the 8 major types of crime SecurityGauge®tracks. Each of the 8 major types of crime gets its own 1 – 5 risk rating at your address so you can see for which types of crime you are at greatest risk. Your Crime Risk Summary uses the same 1 – 5 scale as your overall Crime Risk Rating.

Q. What’s in a SecurityGauge®Report?

A. Each report delivers information available nowhere else:

  • Crime Risk Rating (overall risk rating for your site)
  • Crime Risk Summary (quantifies risks for each type of crime)
  • Site Report Map (color-coded map of crime risk hot spots)
  • Crime Rate Comparisons (compares your site to the state and nation for rates of: burglary, theft, vehicle theft, homicide, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault)
  • Risk Maps by Crime Type (6 color-coded maps reveal crime risk in your site’s proximity: Property, Violent, Burglary, Theft, Vehicle Theft, & Armed Robbery)
  • Crime Risk Trending Graphs (past, present, and forecast risks at your site for burglary, theft, vehicle theft, homicide, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault)
  • Crime History & Forecast (past and future quantitative risk indices and a color-coded map revealing forecasted crime risks surrounding your site)
  • Perimeter Risk Factors (maps facilities near your site that may shape crime risk)
Q. How do you build your crime risk reports?

A. Until now, accurately quantifying crime risk for an address has been hindered by two prevailing impediments:

  • As a result, crime risk information that businesses currently rely on is often incomplete because it is frequently built only from a single local law enforcement agency’s data in any location, often uses a ‘one model fits all’ approach nationwide that diminishes accuracy, and frequently has limited validation in the real world.
Q. How do you validate your statistics?

A. National Validation = Precision.

Since we know the numbers of reported crimes that actually occurred in each community because of our exclusive crime risk methodology, we are uniquely able to validate our models against the only comprehensive location-centric crime database with complete U.S. coverage.

    (Others often validate on only a few cities, and results may not be generalizable)
  • The result? Accurate and validated crime risk analytics for any address in the U.S.
Q. What are “Perimeter Risk Factors”?

A. SecurityGauge®Perimeter Risk Factors reveals facilities and amenities in the vicinity of your site that may increase or mitigate crime risk at your location. Arenas, sporting venues, train stations, high schools and other facilities that draw large numbers of people can increase crime risk. Police stations and other facilities may perhaps reduce risk. This information is based on US Government and other public record data and custom mapped for the perimeter of your site.

Q. What do the key Indices mean?

A. Key indices provide greater detail to the Crime Risk Summary. While the Crime Risk Summary uses a 1 – 5 rating to show the relative risk of the 8 major crimes SecurityGauge®tracks for your address, the Key Indices reveal the details at your site for seven major crime types: homicide, rape, armed robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, plus a detailed scoring for total crime, overall violent crime, and overall property crime at your site.

Key Indices are on a 0 – 5,000 scale, with 0 being the lowest and 5,000 being the highest, and indicate the risk of crime at an address compared to an average of 100.

A score of 50 is ½ the average risk, 200 is double the average, and 500 is 5x the average. We provide these key indices to compare the crime risk at your address to the nation, the state, and the county, with 100 being the average for each.

These SecurityGauge Index scores thus provide great detail of relative risk to aid you in benchmarking and comparing your site to the county, the state, and the U.S., and we also use these key indices to show historical risk and future forecasted risk for your address.

Q. How do you predict crime for any address five years in the future?

A. Crime risks change at addresses over time. Sometimes they decrease, and other times they increase. Forecasting crime risk changes is important for security planning, site selection, lease negotiation, and more. SecurityGauge®provides detailed crime risk predictions for 5 years in the future for your address based on changing crime circumstances in the city, nation, and, more importantly, in the perimeter and vicinity of your address. As changes in buildings, population flows, housing, and people near your address are predicted to change, these allow us to predict future crime risks at your site with 10 meter resolution. We don’t just predict, we provide quantitative indices for all major crime times, and even generate a forecast crime risk map for your site’s vicinity so you can see the detailed pattern of forecasted crime risk near your facility.

Q. What is a Geocoder?

A. Geocoders are computer-implemented tools to interpret the location of an address as a specific point location on the surface of the earth. To do so, typically a geocoder takes the address input to it and converts the address into a geographic latitude/longitude coordinate.

SecurityGauge®provides crime risk for geographic latitude/longitude coordinates. If you enter an address or place name for a SecurityGauge report query, SecurityGauge uses a 3rd party Geocoder to convert that address or place name into a latitude/longitude coordinate. No Geocoder is 100% perfect and often the structure and accuracy of the address provided to the geocoder will affect the accuracy of the latitude/longitude output by the geocoder. As such, Location, Inc. makes no warranty as to the accuracy of the geocoded location and does not interpret or alter the geocoder accuracy score in any way.

Prior to generating a report, SecurityGauge provides a location confirmation window which includes details of the Geocoder's output and a map for the user to visually verify the geocoded location. If it is not the correct location, the user can edit the address and try again. In order to ensure accurate crime risk data is provided in your requested report, it is critical that you confirm the accuracy of the geocoded location before clicking "MAP THIS LOCATION."

With the SecurityGauge API, since there is no map provided to confirm the accuracy of the location, the Geocoder’s confidence output is returned via the API to the user along with the crime risk data. The user can programmatically or manually decide whether the Geocoder accuracy is sufficient to use the crime risk data returned. All SecurityGauge reports and API responses include the digital latitude/longitude identified by the Geocoder.

If the geocoder accuracy score is not satisfactory for a particular address, a user can always instead enter a latitude/longitude for the location, thereby assuring the point location will exactly match the input latitude/longitude.

Q. How does SecurityGauge®compare with competition?

They don't. SecurityGauge is built from new technologies which incorporate Big Data that is different in both spatial resolution and predictive abilities, and the SecurityGauge reports themselves offer vastly different content and advantages to businesses. See our side-by-side feature comparison of how SecurityGauge® compares to competition.

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Generate a custom crime and security risk assessment for any address.

Report page r 489980378b20b8cb9bd704634cc62cc05c2048a42c4c41ae9fd57ab9323b677e


A dominant understanding in Disability Studies is that the bodily make-up of people cannot be held responsible for the fact that some people are categorized as able and others as disabled (Shakespeare 1998, Davis 1997, Albrecht, Seelman and Bury 2001). Disability is not considered an outcome of an individual's impairment, but a result from the social and environmental barriers that people with impairments have to face every day. Disability, as a concept, refers to being oppressed by a disabling society. Or, as Roulstone (1998) puts it: ‘… . [the term should] not be viewed as purely adjectival, but as a fully relational concept.’ The definition of normality and, hence, of ‘loss of normal function or ability’, is considered a political matter.

This social model of disability has been immensely helpful in challenging the medical model in thinking about disability (Davis 1997, Barnes 1998). For one, it changed the notions of in- and exclusion that are so closely linked to the concept of disability. Whereas medical and rehabilitation practices try to achieve inclusion and participation by ‘normalising’ people with impairments, ‘correcting’ their individual limitations, the social model aims at making society itself become more inclusive, for example by improving the accessibility of work and living environments, infrastructures and, above all, social attitudes.

However, in the process of critiquing the medical model a number of explicit and implicit assumptions have entered the field of Disability Studies that, in our opinion, cloud a vision on actual mechanisms of in- and exclusion related to disability as well as the nature of agency within these mechanisms. More specifically, in an emphasis on the societal responsibility for ‘making’ disability, the roles played in these mechanisms by people who have physical impairments are often neglected (see also Pols 2006, 2010; Moser 2006; Winance 2010). As a result, too much of an essentialist view is maintained in which a clear divide is presumed between people and some ‘outer’ in/excluding society. In addition, the physical-material dimensions of disability, including the impact of assistive technologies, has been neglected in Disability Studies (Gill 2001, 369). As a result people's embodied experiences with in- and exclusion has, until recently, been excluded from research (Pols 2010).

Following practice-oriented studies, such as those of Mol, Moser, Winance and Pols, we will, in this article, focus on how in- and exclusion, related to disability, are actually ‘done’ in everyday life. We will particularly focus on how the use and non-use of an assistive technology, the arm prosthesis, shapes and transforms such mechanisms. We present the lives of, Maria and Wendy; two women with a short arm for whom the arm prosthesis is a medical possibility. What shape do in- and exclusion take in their daily lives, how do they come about and whom and what are involved? In this way, we will open up the standard notions of in- and exclusion in the field of Disability Studies from a socio-material and embodied perspective.

Technical aids and disability research

The raison d'etre of technical aids, such as a walker, a hearing aid or arm prosthesis, is commonly believed to be their ability to solve practical problems for their users. With an aid people try to lower some of the physical or social barriers in their lives. However, the impact of such technologies is not limited to their functionality, nor is functionality something that can be separated from other, e.g. social, cultural and emotional aspects of people's lives. As we will see, technical aids are, in fact, intertwined with people and their lives in many complex ways (as are most technologies). They are part of the way people experience their body, the activities they can perform, the way they (can) deal with their social and material environment and the way that they are looked at by themselves and others.1 Consequently, technical aids play an important part in the construction of what is to be (dis)abled and to related mechanisms of in- and exclusion.

Existing theories of the impact of technical aids on in- and exclusion can be divided into three academic discourses. The first can be found in the discourse of medical and rehabilitation research and is referred to as the deficit model (Roulstone 1998). In this model, technology is considered a corrective tool. The technical aid is suggested to ‘repair’ limitations in a person's bodily capacities to achieve what is perceived to be a normal functioning body. This is the measure of success of technical aids. Inclusion is strived after in terms of an acquired vicinity to normalcy, and might be achieved with the help of rehabilitation therapists and a persevering user of the technical aid.

This discourse is heavily critiqued within Disability Studies, as it is believed to reinforce the idea that the source of in- and exclusion is to be sought after in the deficits of the disabled person (Shakespeare 1998; Roulstone 1998; Davis 1997; Albrecht, Seelman and Bury 2001). The striving for ‘normalisation’ through technology within this medical model is considered not a neutral endeavour, but a socio-political one.

In reaction to this medical approach, the social barriers model has been developed in Disability Studies. In this model, social organization is considered to be the primary source of disability, not the person with an impairment. As a consequence, technologies should be studied for their potential to change the social and material environment and take away societal barriers, for example by improving work environments, or by changing attitudes and perceptions of the abilities of disabled people (Roulstone 1998). Recent technologies, such as email and texting, for example, offers opportunities for people with speech or hearing impediments to communicate, work and present themselves in a new fashion, changing the ways in which their potential abilities are defined and assessed by others. At the same time, technological changes can enhance or create new barriers for people with impairments, leading to new ways of exclusion.

The third discourse on the impact of technical aids is centered around Goffman's concept of stigma and focuses mainly on mechanisms of exclusion. Analysis is directed at the difficulties that appear in spontaneous, social interactions between disabled and non-disabled. It is noted that technological aids are often considered visible markers of one's impairment, functioning as a stigmatizing object in social interaction (see references in Lingsom 2008). As such, an assistive technology can bring about exclusion and make people avoid to use it.

Both the social barriers model and Goffman's approach are suitable to the agenda of Disability Studies, as they highlight the social construction of disability. However, it is remarkable that in all approaches described, the person with an impairment is considered to be an individual that can be clearly separated from and facing a social framework (see also Winance 2007). As such, even the social barriers model can be considered an essentialist instead of a relational approach, as it assumes this pre-existing opposition. In line with this, all three approaches reduce the relation between technology and in- or exclusion to terms of either trying to overcome or widen this pre-existing divide between the person and the surrounding world. Moser has shown, that assuming such divides in disability research will reinforce and confirm those very gaps (Moser 2006). Especially in research on the promises of technology for disabled people, the asymmetries between disabled and abled are reproduced. Moreover, this perspective overlooks the complex, multiple and changeable impact of technology on the lives of people. For technology does not only interfere with what we can and want to do, or with our relations to others, it interferes with who we are (Mol 2008).

In this article, we will take a more relational perspective, in which a person is constructed by and constructing a heterogeneous network of relations. Disability and the mechanisms of in- and exclusion related to it come about in concrete, every day practices. All kinds of factors are involved in such practices, including a person's specific body and technological aids, but also the physical structure of buildings and the actions of others (see also Moser and Law 2003; Moser 2006; Pols 2010; Winance 2010, 2011). There are thus no individuals facing an abstracted, objectified world, only situations that arise from heterogeneous networks of relations. This will lead to an important reconceptualisation of what in- and exclusion can entail for people.

The research

There are several types of arm prostheses. Instrumental extensions, such as hooks, are designed to enable specific practical activities, for example driving a motor cycle, holding a cup or cutting bread. At the other side of the spectrum one finds the cosmetic arm, designed to resemble the aesthetics of a real arm, but without the possibility to move the fingers or change its angle. In between, one can find myoelectric, body-powered or robotic arms that are designed to combine both characteristics, i.e. that can be opened and closed and that resemble a real arm. In this article we focus on the cosmetic and hybrid arm prostheses.

The article is based on the biographic narratives of two women, Maria and Wendy, who use (in the case of Wendy), or used (in the case of Maria), an arm prosthesis. They were both interviewed using a variation of the Biographic Narrative Interpretation Method (Wengraf 2001, 2010). In this method the narrative of an interviewee was triggered with only one open question, asking after the story of their life in relation to the technical aid, posed by the interviewer at the beginning of each interview. After the initial narrative had been finished, the interviewer asked follow up questions that replicated both the chronology and wording of the interviewees. All questions probed specific experiences, rather than emotions, or opinions. The reason for choosing this particular technique is that it provides for rich and layered information on the negotiations and adaptations between person and technology. The initial narrative gives clear insight in the way interviewees currently perceive and construct their relation to the technical aid, whereas the second part of the interview gives access to situated memories of their practical, physical experiences with the technical aid, adding complexity, contradiction and nuance to the stories. In addition to the interview material, we use fragments of an online blog Wendy has kept, to report on her experiences with the prosthesis.

The interviews are part of a larger study, in which 29 people are interviewed who make use of, did use or refused to use a walker, a hearing aid, incontinence pads or an arm prosthesis. At the time of writing nine interviews with people with one short arm were interviewed. In the selection of interview candidates a variety of people in terms of gender, age and use or non-use of the technical aids was aimed for. Interview candidates for the arm prosthesis were found with the help of our own private networks and with the use of a co-researcher who had met many people with short legs and arms in his identity as physical therapist and user of a leg prosthesis. In this article we address two cases only. The stories of Wendy and Maria were chosen for this analysis because they are similar in age, gender and socio-economic status and the fact that both women had (had) the prosthesis attached to their upper arm, but almost opposed in the way they use and perceive the artificial arm.

Wendy (43 years old)

Wendy was born with a shorter left arm. She has no left elbow or lower arm, but she does have three fingers which she can use effectively. As a child, her parents asked her if she was interested in wearing a prosthesis, but she never was. Wendy felt she could do everything she wanted to and she did not feel she ‘ missed’ an arm or hand (see also Frank 1986). As she reached the age of 25, Wendy started getting serious back problems and after a few years had to stop working in a pharmacy. The problem was rooted in the scoleosis in Wendy's back, but as her condition worsened doctors started to relate Wendy's extreme back pain to her having a shorter arm. As Wendy uses her fingers on both arms, she is used to leaning forward, worsening her back condition. She realised that wearing an arm prosthesis might take part of the pain away.

Wendy, however, resented the idea of using an aid. ‘I disliked the idea of having to use an arm. It felt like admitting that I needed support and that I was different than others. It made me feel handicapped.‘ But as the pain worsened, at the age of 38, she decided she should try one.

She started out using a myoelectric arm. This is a prosthesis with an electronic system connected and reacting to traction of the muscles in the upper arm, enabling a person to open and close the hand. Wendy had always been able to use the fingers on her short arm and she hoped that the myoelectric arm could compensate for the loss of that functionality. However, in her case this system was not fail proof. On 15 February 2005 she writes on her blog:

I no longer think it is funny to be stuck to my fitness apparatus when I want to step off, because I cannot open my hand. I no longer think it is funny to not be able to open my hand when I want to grab the steer of my bicycle. I do not think it is funny when my hand does not close because the battery is low, just when I want to take of my coat. And that I first have to take of my arm and change the battery, then put on my arm again so that I can close my hand, to finally take of my coat.

During rehabilitation you need to have a lot of humour, because those little accidents happen all the time. But when the prosthesis is integrated in your daily life, you just want the thing to work properly. You do not want to be hindered in this way. In accordance with the artificial-arm-maker I finally decided to start trying another type of prosthesis.

Wendy switched to a hybrid arm, a body-powered prosthesis that reacts to movements of the muscles in the shoulders, opening or closing the artificial hand. This effect is enhanced by an added electric device (hence, the term hybrid). She is still using this type today.

The prosthesis brought substantial relief of Wendy's back pain. Working has become an option again, as well as using a computer more intensively. Although she does not wear the arm all day long, at this moment Wendy feels the arm has become a part of herself and she is glad to have the option to choose to wear it or not.

Wearing the arm or not

It is evident that Wendy's arm prosthesis is an important factor for inclusion in the traditional terms of ‘participation’. When wearing the artificial arm, Wendy is no longer tempted to use the fingers on her short arm and she is prevented from leaning forward. Also, the hand of the prosthesis can be used to push and lift things. As a result, Wendy can keep a straight posture during all kinds of activities, including typing, and her back pain is reduced.

There is more to it, however. The characteristic of lengthening her arm and preventing her to use her own fingers, also has some drawbacks. Wendy describes how she struggled to deal with the extra arm length: ‘At first it felt I had an arm that reached up until my left knee; it felt so long and strange to me.‘ As time went by, Wendy trained performing daily activities with the arm, and her body image adjusted.‘ The arm started to feel shorter to me’. But still, she finds it hard to do things in a way that feels natural to her. ‘I am used to zipping up my coat with my hands close to my chest, but now I have to do it near my waist. I have to think about these things constantly’. As a result, Wendy has decided to only wear the prosthesis outside the house. ‘When I am home, I do not want to think too much about how to do things’.

Another situation in which she does not to wear the arm is described in her blog during the summer of 2004.

7th of July 2004:

It is incredibly heavy to wear the arm when it is warm outside. It does not matter what clothes I wear, the arm itself is just so hot. To tell the truth, I think it is impossible to wear this thing when it is over 20 degrees celsius. At least not without getting seriously depressed. Maybe I should just leave it off, but it is a hard choice:

– No arm: nice and cool and a free feeling, but more back pain

– An arm: less back pain, but being super warm all the time

25th July 2004:

I finally made a decision. When the thermometer on the outside wall of my bedroom shows a temperature over 20 degrees, I will not wear the arm. Period. It took me some time to make up my mind. The reason was that I did not feel like going out on the street again as a visibly disabled person. When wearing the arm, I do not stick out and that is pretty nice. Without the arm, I am ‘ the women with the short arm’ again. And I did not look forward to that.

But when I tried it, it turned out that I was not so conscious of ‘walking around with my short arm’ at all. I easily and quickly slipped back into my Wendy-without-prosthesis-life. Perhaps this should be no surprise. I walked around like this for 38 years and I had all the time to guard myself against the looks and comments of people. It felt very familiar to present myself like that again.

The feeling of freedom was actually much more dominant. When the weather is nice, I want to feel the sun and the wind touch my skin. That is the ultimate summer feeling for me! With the prosthesis I feel a prisoner of my own body, as if I am sitting in the sun wearing a black woolen sweater, looking at all those people in summer dresses. I can finally enjoy summer again and I cannot explain how important this is to me!

Wearing the arm, Wendy is now included in some activities and experiences, such as maintaining a job or ‘not sticking out’. At the same time, Wendy is excluded from others, for example, ‘doing things without thinking’ in her home or having the ultimate summer feeling. Wendy's story shows that her experiences of in- and exclusion related to the arm prosthesis are not limited to striving for participation or to feeling stigmatized. In other words, Wendy's concerns are not solely directed at overcoming a divide between her and ‘normal, outer society’. They also include the summer wind and the sun, stroking her skin. It is clear that the arm does not just help Wendy to achieve entry into an outer world, but is very much part of the embodied way in which Wendy experiences that world. And especially in such situated experiences, inclusion and exclusion can emerge.

It also becomes apparent that inclusion is not something that can be isolated from exclusion; the materiality of the extended arm can simultaneously bring about inclusion in one practice and exclusion in another. This interrelatedness also becomes apparent in Wendy's actual dealing with stigma, or with ‘being socially different’. Wendy appreciates the arm giving her the opportunity to ‘not stick out’ anymore. ‘The first time I could ride a bicycle with two arms was amazing. I thought: “look at me, I am part of your world now!”, but obviously nobody noticed!‘. Although Wendy did not start to use the prosthesis because of this particular social effect, she ended up liking it. The arm makes it possible for her to ‘pass’ as normal (see also Goffman 1963; Gill 2001; Lingsom 2005). In some situations, however, Wendy feels very uncomfortable wearing the arm; for example in a shirt with short sleeves. ‘I am used to the attention my short left arm attracts: I have dealt with it all my life. Nevertheless, I feel very vulnerable when the artificial arm is exposed. I feel I have to start all over again.‘ Wendy explains that she cannot apply the skills she developed for being different as a ‘one-arm-person’ for dealing with being different as a ‘person-with-an-artificial-arm’.

Because those mechanisms of in- and exclusion are interrelated, Wendy constantly has to negotiate between the advantages and disadvantages of wearing the prosthesis. "I am constantly asking myself ‘What does it bring me? And what do I sacrifice?’” She says this constant decision making exhausts her, yet she also describes a strong sense of freedom it gives her.

10th of November 2004

Life with an artificial arm has pretty much become a part of my life now. I really appreciate it to be able to decide myself on the moments in which I will wear the arm or not.

In Wendy's story we can see that in- and exclusion are mechanisms a disabled person is not so much facing, but that she is part of in everyday practices and negotiations. Every time Wendy decides on wearing the arm or not, she is co-constructing herself as well as the situations she enters (and that become accessible or non-accessible to her). Exclusion is not something that ‘happens’ to her, nor is inclusion always something that she has to ‘work hard for’. Furthermore, the prosthesis does not form a bridge between her and the world, but changes the agency and experience of its user. Wendy is not a person using an artificial arm to achieve participation or avoid stigma. Rather, she enters situations as Wendy-with-arm or Wendy-without-arm. Each assemblage leads to specific, embodied experiences of in- and exclusion.

Like Winance (2006), in her research on the process of adjustment between person and wheelchair, we find that, whilst finding a balance with a technical aid, the boundaries between a person, his/her body, assistive technologies and their relations to different situations, such as work or home, are constantly shifting and negotiated. There is no stable or sharp distinction between a disabled person and an ‘abled’ outer world. This also means that the understanding of in- and exclusion needs to incorporate this view. We will deepen the argumentation, turning to Maria's story.

Maria (49 years old)

Maria lost her left lower arm when she was six year old, in a playing accident. At the age of eight, she started wearing an instrumental hook, but mainly because her parents wanted her to. Later, when she was sixteen she switched to a myoelectronic arm. She started an education to become a nurse and, afterwards, worked as a nurse for merely thirty years. During that period, she switched the electronic arm for a cosmetic one, as the latter was much lighter and just as practical for Maria to use.

In the meantime, Maria got married and got two children. As she felt she could handle the babies better without the prosthesis, she stopped wearing it in her home. However, as soon as she went out the door, she put on the arm.

At the age of 34, Maria was diagnosed with extremely high blood pressure. Talking to a therapist, it became clear to her that the constant shifting between wearing and not wearing the arm, generated immense stress for her. In accordance with her doctor, Maria decided to try and stop wearing the artificial arm (except in her work). She describes the period: ‘The first year without the artificial arm was very hard, as I was extremely anxious all the time. With the artificial arm I had always tried to hide that I missed an arm and to be as ‘normal as possible. Letting go of this strategy was very difficult for me. It felt like walking around naked.‘ However, after two months of trying, the blood pressure dropped sharply and Maria decided she would not wear the prosthesis anymore in non-work environments. Looking back, Maria feels the artificial arm has hindered her in accepting her childhood trauma and the fact that she is physically different from others. Now that she got rid of it, she feels she can, finally, accept herself.

In- and excluding others

Today, Maria states the arm never really had a practical function for her; she only wore it look as normal as possible. When Maria became a mother (something she had always wanted) the prosthesis was no longer just redundant, it started to become a true hindrance. With the arm on, she could not approach and handle the babies the way she wanted. To Maria, the arm (the hard surface, the fact that she could not use her own skin touching the child) made her children less accessible to her. She could not ‘be a mother’ in the way she had envisaged. Moreover, both babies adapted to the possibilities of their mother's specific body very quickly, for example rolling into her right hand when she wanted to pick them up out of bed. So, together, Maria and her children started to push the artificial arm out from their contact and together they shaped a new physical, practical, social and emotional assemblage in Maria's life.

In this way, two different Maria-assemblages started to exist next to each other. Maria shifted between them during the day. ‘My dog always knew when we were going for a walk, because I would go and fetch the arm. And when the doorbell rang, I always had to look who was at the door and then decide on whether I needed to put on the arm.‘ Very close friends or family members were allowed to see Maria without prosthesis, but regular friends, neighbours and colleagues were not. Looking through the window, near the front door, Maria was actively deciding on who and what she was going to include in her Maria-without-arm-assemblage. Maria's story refutes the standard notion of a person facing in- or exclusion because of an impairment. Maria appears to be the one that is in- and excluding.

But it is not a simple case of turning things around, of transferring the source of agency related to in- and exclusion from society to the disabled person. It is more complicated than that. In this particular period, Maria did not feel like she was in control, nor did she experience a joyful sense of freedom. Whereas Wendy describes the constant choosing as a source of freedom and control (even though she also describes her initial trouble in setting her own unwritten action rules about the use and non-use of the arm), Maria does not express such feelings. In fact, the shifting became a heavy burden for Maria (also described by Gill, 2001) and she decides to let the arm go.

Maria's case shows that deciding to wear the artificial arm or not, leads to shifting boundaries between herself and others, between her (dis)abilities, the worlds she is (and wants to be) part of (or not), and optional programs of actions. But, even though Maria is actively part of this process of decision making, she cannot be considered the stable, single or predictable source of action or control.

The arm prosthesis: shifting social responsibilities

Even though Maria and Wendy have very different experiences in relation to the use of arm prosthesis, they also share some concerns. In both stories, the women are busy trying to regulate the effects the arm prosthesis has on others. This has to do with the ability of the arm prosthesis to help wearers approach an image of bodily normalcy. Instead of causing a stigma, such as a wheelchair or a hearing aid (or a hook for that matter), the cosmetic and electronic/bionic/hybrid arm prostheses mask the missing of a limb to the fleeting observer in everyday interactions and offer an opportunity to avoid stigma and to ‘pass’ as almost normal.

The stories of Wendy and Maria both show clear examples of such attempts to ‘pass’. Maria told us she has used the arm prosthesis for decennia to hide, as much as she could, the fact that she missed her left lower arm. She claims she became very good at it: ‘Once we stayed over at one of my husband's old friends, a police detective. The man was very surprised to find out, only after the weekend, that I used an artificial arm.‘ And even though Wendy started to use the artificial arm because of medical reasons, she states she appreciates the experience of ‘not sticking out’ anymore.

Maria and Wendy are both aware of the fact that deciding to stop or to start (temporarily or permanent) wearing the prosthesis has an impact on others. They both seem to carefully manage these effects, by socially marking short term or long term changes. For example, when Maria wanted to stop wearing the prosthesis, she first consulted her husband and children. She felt she needed their approval, as her decision would also have a potential impact on their social lives. On the first day, she went to her children's school and shared with all the teachers and children that she was no longer using the arm, involving them actively, but also announcing that she would from that moment on become Maria-without-an-arm for them. Wendy told us that she warns friends when she decides not to wear the arm. She feels she needs to prepare them for Wendy-without-the-arm, so that they are not frightened by her appearance. ‘When you have always known someone having two arms, and she suddenly comes up to you with half a left arm, you can get shocked. It is logical.’

Wendy continues: ‘The funny thing is, in the past, when I did not own a prosthesis, I was never worried about how other people might feel. I did not have that choice and I knew that if I had to worry about that, I would never leave my house. I figured people just had to accept me for who I was.’ Also Maria states that, now that she got rid of the arm: ‘people will just have to take her me for who I am: Maria-with-one-arm.’ It looks like when Maria and Wendy do not have an artificial arm around the responsibility for a smooth contact with ‘others’ seems to be distributed more, or shifted to that particular other.

These examples show that the arm prosthesis does more than simply offer an opportunity ‘to pass as normal’. It brings with it a sense of social responsibility. Through its presence or absence, the arm prosthesis changes one's possible social strategies and responsibilities in dealing with being different. As a result action and mutual social responsibilities shift. Again, we can see that the artificial arm, then, does not so much ‘bridge a gap’ between a person and society, but changes the way they are mutually constructed.

Interestingly, the social impact of the arm is often not the reason for using it. In the case of Wendy, severe physical problems made her choose for the artificial arm. The shifts in social action and responsibility just came with it. So, even if one uses the arm for practical reasons only, the way one can relate to other people and the mechanisms of in- and exclusion encountered in everyday situations, will change in a fundamental way. It shows that this technology ‘matters’ in a more fundamental way than we might expect from a medical or Goffmannian perspective. It also shows that action or agency in relation to in- and exclusion is not something that belongs either to an individual or a social framework, but that it comes about in specific relational networks (that include people as well as things).

In recent disability literature, one can find a plea for supporting and discerning practices in which people with impairments are considered (and constructed) as both different and normal (Winance 2006, 2007; Pols 2010). It entails a critique on the idea of ‘normalisation’ or trying (and expecting) people with impairments to live and act as much as possible as ‘normal people’, either with the use of an assistive technology or not. This expectation puts people in a disadvantageous position to start with, because they actually do have impairments. Scholars should acknowledge and study the specificity of having a particular impairments, whilst showing that (dis)abilities and (ab)normality are, in fact, constantly negotiated and constructed. In this article we try to support and extend this line of research, focussing on in- and exclusion.

Sociological notions of in- and exclusion, and disability, are often based on the image of a single person dealing with an ‘outer social’ framework (see Winance about Goffman in Winance 2007). In this article we suggest a different perspective, following a relational and practice oriented approach. The individual and the social context are part of the same relational network, shaping each other constantly in everyday practices. In addition, things, technologies and bodies are part of that network and they are constantly changing and co-shaping (dis)abilities and subjects (opening and closing action possibilities).

Starting from this perspective the notion of in- and exclusion opens up. It is no longer limited to work participation, or the communication with ‘abled’ others, but extends into’ being able to handle one's young children’ and ‘feel the wind touching one's skin in summertime’. Moreover, acknowledging that the prosthesis both opens and closes action possibilities shows that Wendy and Maria are very much part of the mechanisms of in- and exclusion. They constantly have to decide on who/what to involve in a situation. But they are never the sole architects.

In this negotiating, Wendy and Maria both showed a concern for the feelings or reactions of ‘abled’ others in reaction to their impairment. When the artificial arm is not a part of one's life, the option to ‘pass as normal’ is closed, but other strategies to deal with ‘being different’ become possible. Whether or not a prosthesis is used redistributes the responsibility for smoothing the contact between Maria/Wendy and ‘others’.

To acknowledge that there is no single (human) source of action in situations of in- and exclusion, and that they are interrelated, offers us an opportunity to view (dis)ability in a new manner. All technologies open and close opportunities for action and by allowing a technology into or removing it from the assemblage of our body-and-things we constantly negotiate between the options. This is not restricted to people with impairments. As a matter of fact, we are all disabled when we cannot use the (right) things we need in order to work, eat, communicate or move around. Yet, in relation to assistive technologies, such as an arm prosthesis, a particular discourse comes about, constructing a sharp divide between the abled and the disabled.

In this study, we can see that in everyday practices this divide is not a sharp one and that it is renegotiated all the time, partly by the technology-users themselves. Also, we can see that the negotiating does not differ so much from other technology-users. At the same time, the specific dilemma's that are related to the use of an arm prosthesis, such as the shifting of social responsibilities, informs us on the lived and embodied sense of having this particular impairment, contributing to understanding both sameness and difference.


6 Characteristics to Look for When Choosing a Power of Attorney

adult daughter comforting her father

One of the most important healthcare decisions you will make is choosing your power of attorney. Depending on where you live, a power of attorney also may be called a healthcare proxy, patient advocate or healthcare representative. Regardless of the name, a power of attorney is someone you choose to make health and medical decisions for you if you're unable to make them for yourself.

For most people, having this person in place to make medical decisions when they are no longer able to do so can bring a peace of mind. Some people choose to designate a power of attorney immediately after a diagnosis or before getting surgery. But really, you can designate your power of attorney anytime you want. You simply need to have an attorney draw up the paperwork. You also can specify when the duties of the power of attorney begin to take effect.

Who Should You Pick as Your Power of Attorney?

Most people select their spouse, a relative, or a close friend to be their power of attorney. But you can name anyone you want. The key is that you trust the person completely. You also should feel comfortable discussing your healthcare wishes with him or her.

While your power of attorney may not agree with everything you want, they have to be willing to follow through even though they disagree. If you feel pressured to change your opinions, then that is a sign that this person would not make a good representative for you. You need to find someone who is willing to respect your wishes. If he or she cannot do that, you should find someone else, The last thing you need is to deal with family peer pressure or to worry that your wishes will not be carried out.

What Characteristics Should You Look For in a Power of Attorney?

Because your power of attorney will be handling your medical affairs, you want to choose someone who either has some experience in that area or has the needed skills to handle those decisions. There also are certain characteristics you should look for when selecting a power of attorney. For instance, you should look for the following six characteristics before making your selection. Doing so will help ensure that you pick the best possible person for the job:

  • Lives nearby: Consider where your potential power of attorney lives. How close is he or she to you or your preferred hospital or care center? Keep in mind that a healthcare power of attorney may need to get to the hospital or care center quickly in an emergency. Consequently, choosing someone who lives out of state may not be the best choice. You want to find someone who lives nearby.
  • Is trustworthy: When choosing a power of attorney, it is important to consider the person's character and values. Ask yourself if this person can be trusted with such a big responsibility. Is he or she likely to follow through on the demands of being power of attorney? Will he or she follow your wishes? You’re trusting this person to speak on your behalf. As a result, you need to select someone whom you can count on and can be trusted. After all, he or she will be making decisions that will impact your life.
  • Can be assertive: Being a power of attorney is not always an easy task especially when emotions are running high. Before selecting your power of attorney, think about his or her communication style. Is he or she assertive or passive? Is he or she able to stand up to other people and hold his or her ground when under pressure? You want to find someone who will not back down when it comes to supporting your wishes, no matter how much pressure they get from family members and friends. What's more, the person you select should be able to communicate clearly without wavering or second guessing what he or she is doing.
  • Has some understanding of medical processes: Remember, your power of attorney is charged with making healthcare decisions on your behalf. As a result, you want to select someone who has some understanding of how medical processes work. This does not mean that you have to select a doctor or a nurse in the family. The point is that you need someone who knows how to ask the right questions, especially about medical tests. Ideally, the person you choose would be someone who isn't afraid to challenge suggestions or treatment options that go against your wishes. What's more, you want someone who is willing to research your condition and learn as much as they can about it. This type of person would make a good power of attorney.
  • Is articulate: Think about how your prospective power of attorney communicates. Is this person naturally a calm person who is able to communicate clearly and effectively, even under pressure? Or does this person become easily flustered when things get heated or emotional? Would this person be able to communicate your wishes clearly and effectively, not only to your family members but to your medical team as well? You want to pick someone who has strong communication skills. This means you need to really think about the person's speech patterns. Does it take him or her awhile to get to the point? If this is the case, you may want to reconsider selecting him or her. In challenging medical situations, the person you choose needs to be a decisive and strong communicator.
  • Has a willingness to serve: Remember that being a power of attorney can be a stressful and demanding responsibility, and not everyone is cut out to perform the tasks required. When choosing your power of attorney, talk to the person you are considering. Be sure that he or she feels that he or she could serve in this capacity. Encourage the person to be honest. The last thing you want is for someone to say yes to being your power of attorney, when in reality the role would end up being too overwhelming.